Author Topic: * Justice for Germans  (Read 952 times)

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Offline Sue

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* Justice for Germans
« on: January 18, 2013, 07:05:14 AM »

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A Crime Against Humanity – The Allied Starvation of Millions of Germans
Posted on 11/19/2012 by justice4germans

Did the Allies Starve Millions of Germans? by James Bacque

This article first appeared in the Toronto Globe & Mail, 20 September 1997.



Here is a re-formatted printer friendly version of the booklet, condensed from 88 pages to 52, which should be easier to read.

Office to the Soviet Government, together with appendices.

Introduction:

The following 88 page booklet published by the government of the Third Reich contains Adolf
Hitler’s speech to the German people concerning his decision to declare war against the Soviet
Union, and the official diplomatic message sent to the Soviets, outlining in great detail their crimes
and plots against Germany, which violated the terms of the mutual Non-Aggression Pact. These
violations are documented and a number of secret intelligence reports provided to Hitler which
formed the basis of his decision to declare war on Stalin are also included in this must read booklet.
This document show clearly the true, legal basis concerning the war against the USSR in 1941,
which support and justify the actions of Adolf Hitler, who had obviously been deceived and
betrayed by the treacherous, double-dealing war monger Stalin. Hitler adopted the only attitude
and course of action which a responsible German leader and representative of European culture and
civilization could take.

Hitler’s intentions, from the time he first came to power in 1933 had always been peaceful and his
actions honorable. He had always worked towards these objectives in good faith and with great
patience. It was the WWI western allies and their international financial masters who wanted war all
along and who would settle for nothing less, and who preferred to back a well known
murderous beast, namely Joseph Stalin, and to have the bloody horrors of Bolshevism be poured out
upon European soil, than to have peaceful coexistence with a strong, free, independent
and prosperous Germany.

Hitler and his Axis nation partners realized in 1941 that they had to now face this very real threat to
Western Europe head on, as Stalin had been planning to attack all along, when Germany had her
hands full on the western front. Hitler’s declaration of war was legally and morally justified by any
reasonable standard of international warfare and justice, and only a multi-national effort could hope
to prevent the Bolshevik takeover of all of Europe.
"At any given moment there is an orthodoxy, a body of ideas which it is assumed all right-thinking people will accept without question. It is not exactly forbidden to state this or that or the other, but it is "not done".
...Anyone who challenges the prevailing orthodoxy finds himself silenced with.

Offline Sue

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- * Justice for Germans
« Reply #1 on: January 18, 2013, 07:18:07 AM »
The Fuehrer's Proclamation to the German People

People of Germany, National Socialists,

After months of grave care, throughout which I was constrained to silence, the hour has now come
in which I can at last speak frankly.

When on 3 September 1939 the German Reich received Britain's declaration of war, this was a
further repetition of Britain's earlier attempts to frustrate at the very outset any plan of consolidation
and therefore of progress in' Europe by a war directed against whatever State was the most powerful
on the Continent at the time.

Thus it was that Britain ruined Spain at one time in many wars,
That was how she waged her wars on Holland.

Thus she subsequently fought France with the help of the whole of Europe.

And thus, at the beginning of the century, she commenced the encirclement of the German Reich of that time, and, in 1914, the Great War.

Only through internal dissension did Germany succumb in 1918.

The consequences were terrible.

After they had declared,, as true hypocrites, that they had only fought the Kaiser and his regime,
they set about the systematic destruction of Germany as soon as the German Army had laid down its
arms. While the prophecies of a French statesman that there were 20 million Germans too many, i,
e. that this number would have to be exterminated by hunger, disease or emigration, were
apparently being fulfilled to the letter, the National Socialist movement began its work of unifying
the German people and preparing for the resurrection of the Reich.

Our people rose again from distress, misery and shame and their recovery bore every sign of
internal renascence. Britain, especially, was not in any way affected or threatened thereby.
Nevertheless the new policy of the encirclement of Germany, born, as it was, of hatred,
recommenced immediately. Internally and externally there resulted that plot, familiar to all of us,
between Jews and democrats, Bolsheviks and reactionaries, with the sole aim of preventing the
establishment of the new German national people's state, of plunging the Reich once more into
powerlessness and misery.

Apart from us, the hatred of this international conspiracy was directed against those peoples, which,
not favoured by fortune, were obliged to earn their daily bread in the hardest of struggles for
existence. Above all, the right of Italy and Japan to share in the goods of this world was contested
just as much as that of Germany; in fact, it was formally denied. The coalition of these nations was,
therefore, only an act. of self-protection in the face of the threat of an egoistic world combination of
wealth and power.

As early as 1936, Mr Churchill, according to the statements of the American General Wood before a
committee of the American House of Representatives, declared that Germany was once more
becoming too powerful and would, therefore, have to be destroyed.

In the summer of 1939 the time appeared to have come when Britain could embark upon the
destruction of Germany by means of a repetition of a comprehensive policy of encirclement.
The plan of the campaign of lies staged for this purpose consisted in declaring that other peoples
were threatened, in tricking them with British promises of guarantees and assistance and of making
them take action against Germany just as during the Great War. In this way, Britain, from May to
August 1939, succeeded in broadcasting to the world that Lithuania, Esthonia, Latvia, Finland,
Bessarabia, and also the Ukraine, were being directly threatened by Germany.

A number of these states allowed themselves to be misled into accepting the promise of a guarantee
proffered with these assertions, thus joining the new encirclement front directed against Germany.
In these circumstances, I considered myself entitled to. assume the responsibility before my own
conscience, and before the history of the German people, not only of assuring these countries or
their governments of the falseness of the British assertions, but also of setting the strongest Power
in the east at rest as to the limits of our interests by especially solemn declarations.
"At any given moment there is an orthodoxy, a body of ideas which it is assumed all right-thinking people will accept without question. It is not exactly forbidden to state this or that or the other, but it is "not done".
...Anyone who challenges the prevailing orthodoxy finds himself silenced with.

Offline Sue

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« Reply #2 on: January 18, 2013, 07:24:49 AM »
National Socialists

At that time you probably all felt that it was a bitter and difficult step for me to take. Never did the
German people harbour hostile feelings for the peoples of Russia. Yet for over 20 years the Jewish-
Bolshevist rulers in Moscow endeavoured to set not only Germany, but the whole of Europe,
aflame. At no time did Germany attempt to carry her National Socialist ideals and conceptions into
Russia, yet the Jewish-Bolshevist rulers in Moscow unswervingly endeavoured to force their
domination upon us and upon other European peoples, not only by ideological means but,
above all, with military force.

The consequences of the activity of this regime were nothing but chaos, misery and starvation in all
countries. I, on the other hand, have been striving for twenty years, with a minimum of intervention
and without destroying our production, to arrive at a new socialist order in Germany, which would
not only eliminate unemployment but would also permit the workers to receive an ever greater
share of the fruits of their labour.

The success of this policy of economic and social reconstruction of our nation, which aims finally at
a true people's community by systematically eliminating differences of rank and class, are unique in
the entire world.

It was, therefore, only with extreme difficulty that I brought myself, in August 1939, to send my
Foreign Minister to Moscow in an endeavour there to oppose the British encirclement policy
against Germany. I did this only from a sense of responsibility towards the German people, but
certainly in the hope after all of achieving a permanent detente and of being able to reduce the
sacrifices which might otherwise have been demanded of us.

While Germany solemnly affirmed in Moscow that the territories and countries mentioned — with
the exception of Lithuania — lay beyond all German political interests, a special agreement was
concluded in case Britain were to succeed in inciting Poland actually to go to war with Germany. In
this case too, the German claims were subject to a limitation entirely out of proportion to the
capabilities of the German forces.

National Socialists, The consequences of this treaty, which I myself had desired and which had been
concluded in the interests of the German nation, were very severe indeed, particularly for the
Germans living in the countries concerned.

More than 500,000 German men and women — all of them small farmers, artisans and workmen —
were forced to leave their former homeland practically overnight, in order to escape from a new
regime which from the very first threatened them with boundless misery and, sooner or later, with
complete extermination. Nevertheless thousands of Germans disappeared. It was impossible ever to
determine their fate, let alone their whereabouts. Amongst them there were no less than 160 men of
German citizenship.

To all this I remained silent because I was obliged to. For after all it was my one desire to achieve a
final relief of the tension, and, if possible, a permanent settlement with that State.
However, even during our advance in Poland, the Soviet rulers suddenly, contrary to the treaty,
claimed Lithuania also.

The German Reich never had the intention of occupying Lithuania, and not only did not present any
such demand to the Lithuanian Government but, on the contrary, even refused the request of the
Government then in power in Lithuania that German troops should be sent there for that purpose, as
inconsistent with the aims of German policy.
"At any given moment there is an orthodoxy, a body of ideas which it is assumed all right-thinking people will accept without question. It is not exactly forbidden to state this or that or the other, but it is "not done".
...Anyone who challenges the prevailing orthodoxy finds himself silenced with.

Offline Sue

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« Reply #3 on: January 18, 2013, 07:30:11 AM »
In spite of all this, I complied with this fresh Russian demand. However, this was only the
beginning of continually renewed extortion's.

The victory in Poland, which was won by German troops alone, caused me to address yet another
offer of peace to the Western Powers. It was refused, owing to the efforts of the international and
Jewish warmongers.

Even at that time the reason for such a refusal was to be found in the fact that Britain still had hopes
of being able to mobilize a European coalition against Germany, which was to include the Balkans
and Soviet Russia.

Therefore the British Government decided to send Sir Stafford Cripps as ambassador to Moscow.
He received clear instructions under all circumstances to resume relations between Britain and
Soviet Russia and to develop them in a pro-British direction. The British Press reported on the
progress of this mission so long as tactical reasons did not impose silence upon them.

In the autumn of 1939 and in the spring of 1940 the first results actually made themselves felt.
When Russia undertook to subjugate by armed force not only Finland, but also the Baltic States, she
suddenly saw fit to motivate this action by the assertion, which was as ridiculous as it was false,
that she had to protect these countries from an outside menace or forestall such an event. This could
only be meant to apply to Germany. For no other Power could ever gain entrance into the Baltic
area, let alone go to war there. Still I had to be silent. However, those in power in the Kremlin
immediately went further.

Whereas, in the spring of 1940 Germany, in accordance with the so-called Pact of Friendship, had
withdrawn her forces a long way from the eastern frontier and had in fact to a great extent cleared
these territories entirely of German troops, the concentration of Russian forces at that time was
already beginning in a measure which could only be regarded as a deliberate threat to Germany.
According to a statement which M. Molotov personally made at that time, there were 22 Russian
divisions in the Baltic States alone, as early as the spring of 1940.

Since the Russian Government themselves always maintained that they were called in by the local
population, the purpose of their presence in that area could therefore only be a demonstration
against Germany.

While our soldiers, from 10 May 1940 onwards, had been breaking the power of France and Britain
in the West, the Russian military deployment on our eastern frontier was being continued to a more
and more menacing extent.

From August 1940 onwards I therefore considered it to be in the interest of the Reich no longer to
permit our eastern provinces, which moreover had already been laid waste so often, to remain
unprotected in the face of this tremendous concentration of Bolshevik divisions.

Thus there was produced the effect which was the object of British and Soviet Russian cooperation,
namely: the compulsory maintenance of such powerful German forces in the East that a
radical conclusion of the war in the West particularly as regards aircraft, could no longer be
vouched for by the German High Command.

This, however, was in line with the objects not only of British but also of Soviet-Russian policy; for
both Britain and Soviet Russia intend to let this war go on for as long as possible in order to weaken
the whole of Europe and render it still more helpless.
"At any given moment there is an orthodoxy, a body of ideas which it is assumed all right-thinking people will accept without question. It is not exactly forbidden to state this or that or the other, but it is "not done".
...Anyone who challenges the prevailing orthodoxy finds himself silenced with.

Offline Sue

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« Reply #4 on: January 18, 2013, 08:05:45 AM »
If this is of interest to you, please continue reading at the website http://justice4germans.wordpress.com/page/3/
"At any given moment there is an orthodoxy, a body of ideas which it is assumed all right-thinking people will accept without question. It is not exactly forbidden to state this or that or the other, but it is "not done".
...Anyone who challenges the prevailing orthodoxy finds himself silenced with.